Considerable attention was given to Sarah Palin’s reaction to suggestions that overheated rhetoric and imagery contributed to the atmosphere that led to the Tucson shootings.
She accused journalists and pundits of engaging in “blood libel” against her and in using that term she generated further controversy, since it is one that has a history of association with anti-Semitism.
In his subsequent speech in Tucson, President Obama calmed the waters and received wide praise for his reasoned response to the tragedy. “We are far too eager to lay the blame for all that ails the world at the feet of those who happen to think differently than we do,” Obama said, a comment that is especially appropriate in these times.
As he moves into the third year of his presidency, Obama’s approval rating has rebounded somewhat, in part due to the high marks for his response to the Tucson shootings and aftermath.
John McCain followed up with a gracious and thoughtful commentary, calling Obama’s Tucson speech “terrific” and joining his call for more civil political discourse.
McCain noted his disagreement with many of the president’s policies, but believes Obama is a patriot intent on advancing our country’s cause. McCain rejected accusations that Obama’s policies and beliefs “make him unworthy to lead America or opposed to its founding ideals.”
It would be nice to believe that the tone advocated by Obama and McCain will prevail in the coming months, and that we remember one of those memorable lines from John Kennedy’s moving inaugural address of 50 years ago this month: “Civility is not a sign of weakness.”
Obama maintained that tone in his State of the Union address. However, rancorous rumblings continue and there are those who maintain the view that Obama is somehow an alien usurper.
Let’s go back to Palin’s video statement on Tucson and the political climate and look beyond the points that received major notice - her denunciation of the media and what she believed to be unwarranted criticism directed at her. That statement also contained references to a central element of her political mantra - American exceptionalism and the implication that Obama doesn’t believe in that concept.
Exceptionalism is a favored Palin theme, and part of the case against Obama on this topic is based on actions and comments which critics have viewed as too deferential toward foreign leaders or other nations.
I happen to be a strong believer in American exceptionalism, but I am not sure that I see it in the same way as Palin.
America obviously ranks high in many categories of comparative standing, but what really makes this nation exceptional is not a matter of superiority but ofdistinctiveness. There are many distinctive/ exceptional features of American society and national character - our history, our constitutional governmental system, our freedoms (including speech, press, and religion), our diverse culture and national composition, our innovative and entrepreneurial traditions, our international leadership role and assistance to others - just to mention a few obvious examples.
Obama has on numerous occasions cited the greatness of America.
Indeed, in his keynote speech at the 2004 Democratic convention, he spoke of the “greatness of our nation” and the “true genius of America.”
We certainly have our flaws and shortcomings as a people and as a nation, but Americans are justifiably proud and highly nationalistic. Here’s where the rub comes in, however. Nationalistic as Americans are, we often fail to understand or appreciate nationalism on the part of others.
Those in other nations are in many cases properly proud of their heritage and national characteristics and our failure to recognize that can be both presumptuous and perilous.
Consider China, for example, and President Hu’s recent U.S. visit.
Nationalism is a powerful factor in China, a nation proud of its history and proud of its recent achievements. Or take Iran, where our long-standing difficulty in recognizing the significance of Persian nationalism has plagued our dealings with that nation. Go back to our role in Vietnam, where the United States grossly underestimated the significance of Vietnamese nationalism. There are many other instances around the globe of national pride and a sense of national exceptionalism.
Alas, there are some who lean on exceptionalism as a means of denying the realities of knowing and understanding an interdependent world.
In some respects the assertions about American exceptionalism assume American power to impose our will around the world;
however, exceptionalism doesn’t mean unlimited power, but the opportunity to set an example.
HOYT PURVIS IS A JOURNALISM AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS PROFESSOR.
Opinion, Pages 15 on 01/30/2011