WASHINGTON -- Republicans who were the most vocal in urging their followers to go to Washington on Jan. 6 to try to reverse President Donald Trump's loss have profited handsomely in the aftermath of the Capitol riot, according to new campaign data.
Sens. Josh Hawley of Missouri and Ted Cruz of Texas, who led the challenges to President Joe Biden's victory in their chamber, each brought in more than $3 million in campaign donations in the three months that followed the attack on the Capitol.
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., who called the rampage a "1776 moment" and was later stripped of committee assignments for espousing bigoted conspiracy theories and endorsing political violence, raised $3.2 million -- substantially more than Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., the minority leader, and nearly every other member of House leadership.
A New York Times analysis of the latest Federal Election Commission disclosures illustrates how the leaders of the effort to overturn Biden's victory have capitalized on the anger of their supporters to collect huge sums of campaign cash. Far from being punished for encouraging the protest that turned lethal, they have thrived in a system that often rewards the loudest and most extreme voices, using the fury around the riot to build their political brands.
"The outrage machine is powerful at inducing political contributions," said Carlos Curbelo, a former Republican congressman from Florida.
Shortly after the storming of the Capitol, some prominent corporations and political action committees vowed to cut off support for the Republicans who had fanned the flames of anger and conspiracy that resulted in violence. But any financial blowback from corporate America appears to have been dwarfed by a flood of cash from other quarters.
Rep. Madison Cawthorn of North Carolina, a freshman who urged his supporters to "lightly threaten" Republican lawmakers to goad them into challenging the election results, pulled in more than $1 million. Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado, who like Greene compared Jan. 6 to the American Revolution, took in nearly $750,000.
The sums reflect an emerging incentive structure in Washington, where the biggest provocateurs can parlay their notoriety into small-donor successes that can help them amass an even higher profile. It also illustrates the appetites of a Republican base of voters who have bought into Trump's claims of widespread election fraud and are eager to reward those who worked to undermine the outcome of a free and fair election.
Most of the dozens of corporations that pledged to cut off any Republican who supported overturning the election kept that promise, withholding political action committee donations during the most recent quarter. But for the loudest voices on Capitol Hill, that did not matter, as an energized base of pro-Trump donors rallied to their side and more than made up the shortfall.
"We're really seeing the emergence of small donors in the Republican Party," said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist. "In the past, Democrats have been the ones who have benefited most from small-dollar donations. We're seeing the Republicans rapidly catching up."
Lawmakers have long benefited richly from divisive news coverage, especially around prominent events that play to the emotions of an enraged or fearful voter base. But the new filings illustrate a growing chasm between those who raise money through a bombastic profile -- often bolstered by significant fundraising expenditures -- and those who have focused their attentions on serious policy work.
As provocative freshmen like Greene, Boebert and Cawthorn took in high-dollar figures, other more conventional members of their class in competitive districts -- even those praised for their fundraising prowess -- were substantially behind.
For instance, Reps. Ashley Hinson, R-Iowa, and Young Kim, R-Calif., both of whom opposed the electoral challenges and have worked on bipartisan bills, each took in less than $600,000.
Greene, Boebert and Cawthorn raised more money than the top Republicans on the most powerful committees in Congress, such as appropriations, budget, education and labor, foreign affairs and homeland security.
But the polarizing nature of Trump also helped some Republicans who took him to task for his behavior surrounding the events of Jan. 6.
Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming, the No. 3 House Republican, who voted to impeach Trump, took in $1.5 million, and Rep. Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, who has started an organization to lead the Republican Party away from fealty to Trump, raised more than $1.1 million.
"It's obvious that there's a strong market for Trumpism in the Republican base," Curbelo said. "There is also a strong market for truth-telling and supporting the Constitution."